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Several European hydrogen players signed cooperation agreements with their Japanese counterparts, during a visit to Tokyo by European Energy Commissioner Kadri Simson, on Monday (3 June) – where tackling China’s clean tech dominance is becoming a priority.

The EU has long sought closer ties with Japan on hydrogen. Discussions between the two economic giants, resulting in a broad green agreement in 2021 and an EU-Japan Memorandum of Cooperation on Hydrogen in late 2022.

Building on these prior exchanges, a business delegation accompanied Simson on her Japan visit, to turn verbal commitments into agreements.

“Hydrogen will be an internationally traded commodity, and close EU-Japan cooperation will be essential for promoting renewable and low-carbon hydrogen globally,” Simson told attendees at the Japan Energy Summit.

Facilitating cooperation, the main players in Europe’s hydrogen sector – Germany’s €5 billion H2Global funding vehicle, lobby group Hydrogen Europe, and the EU’s €3 billion Hydrogen Bank and €1 billion ‘Clean Hydrogen Joint Undertaking’ research outfit – signed agreements with their Japanese counterparts.

The move politically minded has one eye on the global regulatory race to define hydrogen, something EU politicians consider their key competence.

“Europe and Japan were global first movers and we should, together, drive the process of setting standards and certification schemes,” says Jorgo Chatzimarkakis, CEO of Hydrogen Europe.

Japan’s hydrogen strategy, last updated in 2023, maintains an industry-friendly compromise, concerning the environmental friendliness of hydrogen production.

Subsidies are available to hydrogen, emitting up to 3.4kg of CO2 per kg, when it is produced. Meaning hydrogen making use of natural gas receives government subsidies, even if just 66% of resulting carbon emissions are captured.

“We can learn a lot from Japanese pragmatism,” adds Chatzimarkakis.

A more substantial industry agreement between Kawasaki Heavy Industry and the EU’s Daimler Trucks – who both see a role for hydrogen in heavy-duty trucking – was similarly announced by the Commission, but has yet to be signed, understands Euractiv.

The two companies are “jointly studying the establishment and optimisation of parts of a liquid hydrogen supply chain,” said a Daimler Truck spokesperson.

China, China, China

Instead of hydrogen, the joint statement of the Energy Commissioner and Japan’s economy minister, Ken Saitoni starts with a focus on a common competitor.

The two sharing “deep concerns about economic dependence on specific sources of supply for strategic goods,” reads the statement, blaming the “weaponisation” of a “wide range of non-market policies and practices, such as market-distorting industrial subsidies.”

A clear warning to China, which is under EU investigation for distorting electric vehicle markets. Several Chinese or Chinese-linked firms, pulled out of tenders after being subject to a Commission subsidy probe.

China maybe dominant in solar, but Europe has mostly managed to ward off wind power incursions – unlike Japan, where the first Chinese offshore wind turbines were installed in 2023.

“Work will begin in the fields of wind, solar and hydrogen,” the joint statement reads, highlighting the “importance of working with like-minded partners to build and strengthen transparent, resilient and sustainable supply chains.” The declaration also says that a dedicated industrial policy coordination group will be established.

In this election there won't be any % barrier in some countries, but I still haven't seen any poll numbers for small parties here in Germany for example. Everything below 2-3% gets lumped in with "Others" as usual, even though about 0.5% would already get them a seat in parliament this time. This makes voting strategically very difficult, because we have no idea whether any small party could even get in.

I get that there are limits to what you can show in a graphic, but even the source links I checked didn't provide more details. Why is that, and has anyone seen poll numbers for small parties, particularly for Germany?

The European Securities and Markets Authority (ESMA) has emphasized full boardroom accountability for AI usage in EU banks and investment firms, emphasizing compliance with MiFID law and client protection.

NATO's recent move to strengthen its eastern border is aimed at deterring Russia, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz said on Sunday, adding that it should be clear to Moscow that the alliance will be ready to defend itself if necessary.

Speaking at the Eastern German Economic Forum also attended by Lithuanian Prime Minister Ingrida Simonyte, Scholz said Germany has played a leading role in NATO's presence in the Baltics on Russia's border, stretching back nearly a decade.

"And because the threat from Russia will continue, we and other allies decided last year to deploy additional units to the Baltic states and to station an entire brigade there permanently in future," Scholz said, according to a speech manuscript.

"But this turnaround in security policy is necessary to show Russia: We are prepared to defend every square inch of NATO territory against attacks."

He said diplomacy would only be successful from a position of strength, adding that it was absolutely vital that Baltic states could fully rely on NATO allies jumping to their defence in the event of a Russian attack.

"And that is a message for us. But it is also a message to Russia. Because the credibility of this promise is of course also part of Russia's calculation."

Russian President Vladimir Putin earlier this week warned NATO members against allowing Ukraine to fire their weapons into Russia, after several Western allies lifted restrictions imposed on the use of weapons donated to Kyiv.

NATO chief Jens Stoltenberg on Friday dismissed the warnings, saying the alliance had heard them many times before and self-defence was not escalation.

Go to vote if you don’t want to go to war.

That’s the stark choice that Poland’s Prime Minister Donald Tusk is presenting ahead of the European elections this weekend. His team is highlighting security, or, more precisely, the threat of Russian aggression, as the big theme.

With parties sympathetic to Russia set to make gains elsewhere, including in central Europe, Tusk’s Civic Coalition is stressing that the EU needs to stand firm and united against the danger from Moscow.

He’s urging the Polish people to get out and vote, to protect themselves.

The message taps into real concerns among the country’s electorate, as many Poles are instinctively wary of their giant neighbour for reasons both of history and geography.

For more than 230km (142 miles), northern Poland butts up against Kaliningrad, the heavily militarised Russian exclave. Marked by thick rolls of barbed wire fencing, the border is monitored by vehicles fitted with thermal imaging cameras.

At the main crossing point, the word RUSSIA is clearly spelled out in red letters on the other side. Every busload of passengers is screened meticulously using a sniffer dog before it can pass.

Security was already tightened when President Vladimir Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine more than two years ago. But in the run-up to the Euro vote, Donald Tusk has declared that he’ll do more.

"Shield East" is a 10-billion-zloty (£1.992bn) project to reinforce Poland’s border, with everything from high-tech surveillance to trenches. It’s intended to make sure "the enemy" knows to "stay away" from Poland, the prime minister announced.

It’s to be coordinated with Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, three Baltic states with their own reasons to be wary of Russia.

In smaller Slovakia to the south, and in Hungary, politicians talk of the need for "compromise" with Moscow. That translates as concessions from Kyiv.

They issue statements that are filled with Kremlin talking points.

But Poland has remained firmly convinced of the risk from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, should Ukraine be allowed to lose this war.

For this election, as Donald Tusk’s team has hijacked the security agenda, the main opposition Law and Justice party, PiS, has focused elsewhere.

It’s been busy slamming the EU’s migration deal and slurring the Green Deal against carbon emissions, a policy the party fully backed whilst in power.

But Poland was already investing heavily in defence under a PiS government, because of the Russia threat. And the party hasn’t abandoned the theme completely.

One PiS candidate for this election became a mini internet sensation with a campaign video showing him single-handedly stopping a Russian tank, Tiananmen Square-style.

“We’ve stopped evil many times before and we will stop it again,” Karol Karski intones, a bearded professor in suit and spectacles with one arm outstretched towards a tank smashing through the forest.

Here in Poland, even the younger generation are being put on guard.

In a school just outside Warsaw, children have been learning survival skills. It’s part of a new programme that’s sending soldiers from the Territorial Defence to teach emergency drills in classrooms across the country.

From evacuation to orienteering, via resuscitation, they’re useful skills. But the teenagers we met were clear why they’re getting the training.

"Because there is a war in Ukraine and we are in danger," 17-year-old Sebastian told me, in a break between drills.

Not nervous, just matter of fact.

"Russia is near to us and they could attack us, I think," Igor agreed. "We need to learn how to defend ourselves."

"One of the factors behind the creation of this project is the situation on our eastern border, and the state’s response to the real threat," Captain Dominik Pijarski of the 6th Mazovian Brigade confirmed.

I asked whether he was concerned about a military threat from Russia.

"Only fools are not afraid," the soldier replied, before adding: "I believe that the entire nation has learned the appropriate lessons from what is happening … and is preparing to be ready at the highest level, in the face of a real threat."

But wariness of Russia doesn’t always translate into unconditional support for Ukraine.

A short drive out of Warsaw leads deep into farming country and small villages marked by towering crucifixes and Catholic shrines.

Lately, some of the fruit farmers here have left their fields to protest both on the Ukraine border and in central Warsaw.

They’re upset at the EU Green Deal which will increase their production costs.

But they’re also worried by the competition from Ukrainian farmers: exporting certain goods tariff-free as a form of support to the war-blasted economy.

"The competition from Ukraine leaves us no chance," says farmer Mariusz Konarzewski, who has been working this land since he was 18 and now fears for his livelihood: long, neat rows of slender apple trees.

Ukraine’s farmers have better soil and higher yields, Mr Konarzewski explains. They can also use chemicals banned in the EU, making them more productive.

"It looks like Ukraine is fighting a war on two fronts: one with Russia and another against Polish farmers," is how he views the competition. "If this continues, we will just perish."

I question whether the farmers want to support Ukraine, under Russian attack, and they hasten to agree that Kyiv needs help. One calls Vladimir Putin "a maniac".

But resentment simmers beneath their words.

"Poles helped Ukrainians in every possible way. Now, instead of walking hand in hand, they’ve waged open war against us," Mr Konarzewski repeats.

"Militarily, of course, we need to help," another of the farmers tells me. "But we haven’t done anything wrong, that we should suffer for that."

The European election isn’t generating huge excitement. Turnout is traditionally far lower than at a national vote and there’s nowhere near the same number of campaign posters around town.

But when Donald Tusk gathers a crowd of supporters in Warsaw on Tuesday for a final rally ahead of the vote, security is sure to be high on his agenda.

The message: that living next door to Russia remains a risk. And that all Europe needs to remain on guard.

Here is the study (pdf).

This is shown by recent research results from the Kiel Institute. The influence of EU Regional Policy on the outcomes of European elections has been investigated.

In publicly funded regions within the EU, the vote share of right-wing populist parties fell by 15 to 20 percent, on average, that is 2 to 3 percentage points, a study by Germany's Kiel Institute has found.

At the same time, trust in democratic institutions increased, while dissatisfaction with the European Union (EU) decreased. Support for left-wing populist parties was not affected, according to the reaserchers.

“Ahead of the European elections in June, right-wing populist parties are on the rise in almost all member states. Our research shows that regional policy can effectively counter this trend,” says Robert Gold, Kiel Institute Senior Researcher and co-author of today's Kiel Policy Brief “Paying Off Populism: EU Regional Policy Decreases Populist Support”, which is based on a Kiel Working Paper.

Robert Gold and Jakob Lehr (University of Mannheim) analyzed election results for the European Parliament in 27 EU countries over the period from 1999 to 2019. They use various analytical methods to determine the impact of EU Regional Policy on the regional vote shares of populist parties.

In the years 2000 to 2020, the EU invested more than EUR 900 billion in regional development over three funding periods, primarily from the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) as well as the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Cohesion Fund (CF). Concrete measures are defined and co-financed by the national and regional governments.

100 Euros per capita reduces right-wing vote share by 0.5 percentage points

Throughout the entire study period, a subsidized region received around EUR 1.4 billion in EU Regional Policy transfers on average, equivalent to around EUR 530 per capita. As a result, the vote share of right-wing populist parties fell by 15–20 percent or 2 to 3 percentage points. In an average European region, EUR 100 of EU regional funding per capita therefore reduces the share of votes for right-wing populist parties by 0.5 percentage points.

The authors conclude that one reason for this decline in populist support is that EU regional funding increases trust in the EU and its institutions, and consent with democracy more broadly. This assessment is based on survey data from well over 100,000 households.

“Right-wing populist movements are based on a nationalist, Eurosceptic agenda. They benefit from a lack of trust in the problem-solving capability of established political structures. The fact that regional policy increases this trust appears to be one reason why populist support is declining in regions supported by EU Regional Policy,” says Gold.

The EU's funding landscape changed over time, though. With the Eastern Enlargement, a lot of structurally weak regions lost support, just because even weaker regions joined the EU. While in the early periods, regions such as Puglia (Italy) or Leipzig (Germany) exemplified lagging behind regions, in later years, the average supported region rather corresponds to regions like Jihovýchod (Czech Republic) or Kendriki Makedonia (Greece).

This loss of funding led to a 1.6 percentage point increase in vote shares for right-wing populist parties, on average. In particular, some East German regions were affected. In these regions the AfD and NPD would have received only 10 percent instead of 11.6 percent of votes in the 2014 European elections, if regional funding had continued as before.

“Of course, there are many different factors influencing populist support, especially in Eastern Germany, not all of which are related to economic parameters”, Gold says. “However, when it comes to the economic causes of populism, there is always a pronounced regional component. And regional policies can counter this political polarization between prosperous and stagnant regions.”

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After returning home from the war in Ukraine, many Russian soldiers end up in court on domestic violence charges. However, even if convicted, they usually receive little more than a slap on the wrist. According to a new report from the independent outlet Verstka, Russian courts routinely give combat veterans the minimum sentence for crimes, often letting them off with small fines — equivalent to as little as $55 — for offenses like assault. Meduza shares an English-language summary of Verstka’s findings.

“My husband returned home from the war. But this isn’t my husband, he’s not the man I knew before. Sometimes it feels like he was killed. His body came back, but not his soul. He’s become irritable. Everything angers him. Me, the kids, and everyone around him.”

“My husband returned home from the war. But this isn’t my husband, he’s not the man I knew before. Sometimes it feels like he was killed. His body came back, but not his soul. He’s become irritable. Everything angers him. Me, the kids, and everyone around him.”

Messages like these periodically appear in social media groups for wives, mothers, and daughters of Russian soldiers fighting in Ukraine.

More than a million men living in Russia have combatant or veteran’s status, including those who fought in Afghanistan, Chechnya, and Syria. In the last two years, those fighting in Ukraine have joined their ranks.

From the early months of the 2022 invasion, human rights activists predicted that returning soldiers would trigger a surge in violence in the country. But whether this has actually happened is harder to determine. On the one hand, misdemeanor cases for minor assaults actually decreased, falling below 170,000 for the first time in seven years. On the other hand, the number of felony cases for battery has risen significantly: from 3,750 in 2019 to 13,241 in 2023.

Analysis of court verdicts and decisions across Russia shows that in the two years following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, domestic violence court cases involving combat veterans increased compared to 2020-2021. Moreover, this is by no means an exhaustive tally: Russian courts don’t publish all records, and many judges omit a defendant’s combat status from official paperwork.

In 2020-2021, magistrates reviewed at least 59 misdemeanor assault cases involving veterans. In 2022-2023, such cases nearly doubled to at least 104. District courts handled at least 33 federal assault cases where the defendants were veterans in 2020-2021, and this number almost doubled to at least 64 in 2022-2023.

Although judges seldom specify the combat zone, Verstka discovered that at least 19 men involved in these cases participated in the invasion of Ukraine. Both before and after the full-scale invasion, the vast majority of victims in these cases were women.

Getting off easy

In February 2024, a Russian magistrate’s court in annexed Crimea fined a veteran of the war in Ukraine for assaulting his wife and stepdaughter. The man told the court that his relationship with his wife deteriorated after he returned from the front and was diagnosed with cancer. According to him, his wife didn’t support him sufficiently during his treatment. He claimed that after he decided to leave, his wife attacked him and he pushed her away. “If I’d beaten her, bruises and scratches wouldn’t be the only injuries,” he told the court.

His wife gave a different account. She testified in court that her husband was habitually abusive and, that night, had threatened her with a knifing. The woman also alleged that her husband said he had “killed people like her and her daughter in Ukraine.” Doctors recorded five abrasions and 15 bruises on the woman’s arms, legs, and back. During sentencing, the judge took into account the man’s status as a combat veteran and his illness, and decided to issue only a fine.

In Tatarstan in November 2022, combat veteran Maxim Karasyov spent an entire night drinking. The next morning, he started throwing things at his wife. When she threatened to call the police, he pinned her down and tried to take her phone. She attempted to flee but was forced to return when she couldn’t open the gate. Karasyov, still drunk, then got into his car and drove off, allowing his wife the chance to call the police.

A district court fined Karasyov 7,000 rubles ($77). The judge explained the leniency of the sentence by referencing the defendant’s character, his two children, and the fact that he had fought in Ukraine.

According to Verstka’s findings, judges cited combat participation as a mitigating factor in 87.5 percent of felony battery cases and 61 percent of misdemeanor cases. The most common punishments handed out to combat veterans found guilty of domestic violence are community service, corrective labor, and probation. In all the cases Verstka analyzed, only one veteran was sentenced to imprisonment. Initially, he was given four months of community service for hitting a woman on the head, but due to an unserved sentence for robbery, he was sent to prison for two years.

For misdemeanor offenses, judges most frequently imposed a fine of 5,000 rubles ($55) — the minimum penalty provided by law. However, this money goes to the state, not the victim. In some cases, the court may not impose any penalty at all if it deems the case insignificant or if the defendant and the victim reconcile. In the cases analyzed by Verstka, judges twice terminated proceedings due to the “insignificance” of the case and three times due to reconciliation between the parties.

A question of cultural values

In a 2013 study, Russian psychologist Anna Ermolaeva found that soldiers returning from conflict zones are more prone to suspicion, impulsivity, anxiety, and extreme self-doubt compared to those without combat experience.

At the same time, not all men returning from war resort to violence against women. Stanislav Khotsky, a psychologist specializing in the treatment of people prone to aggression and violence, believes that a person’s prior values are a key factor in how that individual is shaped by their wartime experiences.

“If before gaining combat experience, their worldview included the possibility of using violence against loved ones, the chances of this increase,” he explains. “Why? Because veterans often experience an increase in their own aggression, which, in turn, raises the risk of them inflicting harm.” He asserts that with proper societal support, the risk of domestic violence in families with combat veterans can be mitigated.

Yulia Arnautova, the head of public relations at the advocacy group Nasiliyu.net (No to violence) concurs. “War is one of the most traumatic experiences a person can go through,” she says. “Traumatized people need comprehensive help — both psychological and psychiatric. They need to be made aware that they have a problem and that society is ready to help them.”

However, those working with returning soldiers emphasize that not all combat veterans suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and warn against conflating PTSD with aggression. “The people I worked with who had PTSD weren’t violent toward their loved ones, as far as I know,” says Ilya Gimpel, a former psychologist at the state-funded Defenders of the Fatherland Foundation.

“It’s important to understand that the main factors creating an environment for domestic violence are societal traditions and certain mindsets that justify violence against women by invoking certain cultural norms,” Gimpel added. “And until we have laws that prohibit the promotion and justification of violence, this will continue.”

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European security agencies believe acts of sabotage have been carried out around the continent by Russian intelligence before being amplified by President Vladimir Putin’s army of Twitter bots.

On the morning of 14 May, about 20 spray-painted red hand symbols were discovered on the wall of a Holocaust memorial in Paris, which is dedicated to honouring individuals who saved Jews from persecution during the Nazi occupation of France.

Emmanuel Macron condemned the act of “odious antisemitism”. France’s President wrote on X, formerly Twitter, that the vandalism damaged “the memory” of those who saved Jews during the Holocaust.

About a week after the incident, investigators in France said they believed the vandalism was ordered by Russian security services who allegedly recruited two Bulgarian citizens identified by the police as suspects.

Bot Blocker/Anti-bot for Navalny, an organisation that exposes Russian social media attacks, claimed that on the day of the incident, a swathe of Russian bots took to X to express disgust at the desecration. The fake accounts, posing as ordinary social media users, blamed Mr Macron and his government “for not doing enough to fight antisemitism”.

Experts say there is growing evidence that Mr Putin has ramped up attempts to escalate tensions across Europe – tying together his network of disinformation with real acts of sabotage to destabilise governments in the West.

Ciaran O’Connor, a senior analyst with the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, a think tank that researches online hate and disinformation, told i: “The use of disinformation in combination with acts of sabotage like this would fall in line with previous Russian state activities.

“In the context of Russian disinformation, these Twitter bots are often managed by troll farms, which are professional organisations operating at the behest of the state which manage large quantities of fake accounts. These operations work to create or promote disinformation, engage in co-ordinated behaviour to attempt to shift public opinion, and target critical voices, figures or policies using online accounts.”

Ahead of the upcoming European elections, Russia has apparently sought to manipulate public opinion in France using disinformation, with Bot Blocker identifying Russian bots sharing an article that claimed Mr Macron was a puppet of Brussels and Washington.

The X posts claim the French President is spending too much on the war in Ukraine, while the article endorses far-right French candidate Marine Le Pen, claiming she would restore French sovereignty ahead of the EU elections on 6-9 June.

Security forces around Europe believe a series of other incidents are also the result of Russian sabotage, including a string of mystery fires and attacks on infrastructure in the UK, Poland, Lithuania and Estonia. European intelligence networks believe Moscow has used social media to find and hire vandals, while saboteurs are paid a few hundred euros or in cryptocurrency for their troubles.

Nato members have said they are “deeply concerned” about the spate of attacks: “These incidents are part of an intensifying campaign of activities which Russia continues to carry out across the Euro-Atlantic area, including on Alliance territory and through proxies,” the alliance said in a statement earlier this month.

Intelligence agencies claimed last month that two British men were recruited by a Russian agent after they were charged with orchestrating an arson attack on two units linked to a Ukrainian businessman in an industrial estate in Leyton, east London.

The Crown Prosecution Service claimed one of them was “engaged in conduct targeting businesses which were linked to Ukraine in order to benefit the Russian state”.

The case was one of those cited by Home Secretary James Cleverly when he announced that Britain would expel Russia’s defence attache, remove diplomatic status from some properties and limit the length of Russian diplomatic visas. Addressing Parliament earlier this month, Mr Cleverly said Britain was already “an extremely challenging operating environment” due to Moscow’s “malign activity”.

Russian bots were also found to be promoting a recent “impressive” victory by German far-right party Alternative for Germany (AfD) in the central region of Thuringia, according to Bot Blocker.

Articles shared by the Russian bots attached a link to a website that, according to Facebook parent company Meta, is part of “the largest and most persistent pro-Kremlin influence campaign since 2017”.

European media has reported that a member of the extreme right AfD party had allegedly received money from the pro-Russian media site, an accusation the politician denied.

Anna George, who researches online disinformation at the Oxford Internet Institute, told i this is “part of Russia’s information tactics, they flood the information ecosystem with lots of narratives, even conflicting narratives, to sow confusion.

“There are different goals for different campaigns, but the common goals seem to be trying to spread pro-Russian narratives, and other times when they are trying to sow division, while seeking to erode democracy and add to the populist rhetoric that democratic institutions can’t be trusted as they are.”

It follows a wave of cyber-attacks in Germany, including an attempt to breach the online security of German Chancellor Olaf Scholz in 2023 by a hacker group linked to Russian intelligence. Last month, two German-Russian nationals were accused of plotting an explosion, arson and maintaining contact with Russian intelligence after a foiled plot to attack a military base in Bavaria.

If the billboards in Ivanovo are to be believed, Russia’s really going places.

“Record harvest!”

“More than 2000km of roads repaired in Ivanovo Region!”

“Change for the Better!”

In this town, a four-hour drive from Moscow, a giant banner glorifying Russia’s invasion of Ukraine covers the entire wall of an old cinema. With pictures of soldiers and a slogan:

“To Victory!”

These posters depict a country marching towards economic and military success.

But there is one place in Ivanovo that paints a very different picture of today’s Russia.

I’m standing outside it. There’s a poster here, too. Not of a Russian soldier, but a British novelist. George Orwell’s face stares down at passers-by.

The sign above it reads The George Orwell Library.

Inside, the tiny library offers a selection of books on dystopian worlds and the dangers of totalitarianism.

There are multiple copies of Orwell’s classic novel Nineteen Eighty-Four; the story in which Big Brother is always watching and the state has established near-total control over body and mind.

“The situation now in Russia is similar to Nineteen Eighty-Four,” librarian Alexandra Karaseva tells me. “Total control by the government, the state and the security structures.”

In Nineteen Eighty-Four, the Party manipulates people’s perception of reality, so that citizens of Oceania believe that "war is peace" and "ignorance is strength".

Russia today has a similar feel about it. From morning till night, the state media here claims that Russia’s war in Ukraine is not an invasion, but a defensive operation; that Russian soldiers are not occupiers, but liberators; that the West is waging war on Russia, when, in reality, it was the Kremlin that ordered the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

“I’ve met people who are hooked on TV and believe that Russia isn’t at war with Ukraine, and that the West was always out to destroy Russia,” Alexandra says.

“That’s like Nineteen Eighty-Four. But it’s also like Ray Bradbury’s novel Fahrenheit 451. In that story the hero’s wife is surrounded by walls that are essentially TV screens, talking heads telling her what to do and how to interpret the world.”

It was a local businessman, Dmitry Silin, who opened the library two years ago.

A vocal critic of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, he wanted to create a space where Russians could “think for themselves, instead of watching TV”.

Dmitry was later prosecuted for “discrediting the Russian armed forces”. He’d been accused of scrawling “No to war!” on a building. He denied the charge. He has since fled Russia and is wanted by police.

Alexandra Karaseva gives me a tour of the library. It’s a treasure trove of literary titans from Franz Kafka to Fyodor Dostoevsky. There is non-fiction, too; histories of the Russian Revolution, of Stalin’s repressions, the fall of communism and of modern Russia’s failed attempts to build democracy.

The books you can borrow here are not banned in Russia. But the subject matter is very sensitive. Any honest discussion of Russia’s past or present can bring problems.

Alexandra believes in the power of the written word to bring change. That’s why she is determined the library stays open.

“These books show our readers that the power of autocratic regimes is not forever,” Alexander explains. “That every system has its weak points and that everyone who understands the situation around them can preserve their freedom. Freedom of the brain can give freedom of life and of country.”

“Most of my generation had no experience of grassroots democracy,” recalls Alexandra, who is 68. “We helped destroy the Soviet Union but failed to build democracy. We didn’t have the experience to know when to stand firm and say ‘You mustn’t do this.’ Perhaps if my generation had read Ninety Eighty-Four, it would have acted differently.”

Eighteen-year-old Dmitry Shestopalov has read Ninety Eighty-Four. Now he volunteers at the library.

“This place is sacrosanct,” Dmitry tells me. “For creative young people it’s a place they can come to find like-minded citizens and to get away from what’s happening in our country. It’s a little island of freedom in an unfree environment.”

As islands go, it is, indeed, little. Alexandra Karaseva is the first to admit that the library has few visitors.

"[My generation] helped destroy the Soviet Union but failed to build democracy... Perhaps if we had read Ninety Eighty-Four, we would have acted differently." -- Alexandra Karaseva, Librarian

By contrast, I find a large crowd in the centre of Ivanovo. It’s not Big Brother people have stopped to listen to. It’s a Big Band.

In bright sunshine an orchestra is playing classic Soviet melodies and people start dancing to the music. Chatting to the crowd I realise that some Russians are more than willing to believe what the billboards are telling them, that Russia’s on the up.

“I’m happy with the direction Russia’s heading in,” pensioner Vladimir tells me. “We’re becoming more independent. Less reliant on the West.”

“We’re making progress,” says a young woman called Natalya. “As Vladimir Putin has said, a new stage for Russia has begun.”

But what about Russia’s war in Ukraine?

“I try not to watch anything about that any more,” Nina tells me. “It’s too upsetting.”

Back at the George Orwell Library they’re holding an event. A local psychologist is finishing a lecture on how to overcome "learned helplessness" and believe you have the power to change your life. There are ten people in the audience.

When the lecture ends, librarian Alexandra Karaseva breaks the news.

“The building’s been put up for sale. Our library has to move out. We need to decide what to do. Where do we go from here?”

The library’s been offered smaller premises across town.

Almost immediately one woman offers her van to help with the move. Another member of the audience says she’ll donate a video projector to help the library. Others suggest ideas for raising money.

This is civil society in action. Citizens coming together in time of need.

Admittedly, the scale is tiny. And there’s no guarantee of success. In a society with less and less space for “little islands of freedom,” the library’s long-term future is uncertain.

But they’re not giving up. Not yet.

The poll by the ARD public broadcaster said 21% of respondents agreed with the proposition.

"It is racist. I feel we need to wake up. Many people in Europe had to flee.. searching for a safe country," Nagelsmann said on Sunday.

The 36-year-old said he agreed with Germany midfielder Joshua Kimmich, who described the questionnaire as "racist" a day earlier.

“Josh [Kimmich] responded really well, with a very clear and thought-out statement,” Nagelsmann said at a briefing at his team's training base.

“I see this in exactly the same way. This question is insane.”

“There are people in Europe who’ve had to flee because of war, economic factors, environmental disasters, people who simply want to be taken in," he went on.

"We have to ask what are we doing at the moment? We in Germany are doing very, very well, and when we say something like that, I think it’s crazy how we turn a blind eye and simply block out such things."

ARD - the German public broadcaster - said it had commissioned the survey to have measurable data, after a reporter working on a documentary on football and diversity was repeatedly asked about the make-up of the national team.

The poll was conducted among 1,304 randomly selected respondents.

Karl Valks, sports director with the ARD station who commissioned the poll, said the company was "dismayed that the results are what they are, but they are also an expression of the social situation in Germany today".

"Sport plays an important role in our society, the national team is a strong example of integration," German media cited him as saying.

The current national squad has a number of players with mixed heritage, including captain Ilkay Gündogan and winger Leroy Sané.

Germany is hosting the Euro 2024 tournament later this month, and Nagelsmann said his team would be playing "for everyone in the country". They will kick-off the competition with a clash against Scotland at Munich's Allianz Arena on 14 June.

The controversy comes just weeks after the team's kit manufacturer, Adidas, was forced to ban fans from buying German football kits customised with the number 44, after media raised their resemblance to the symbol used by World War Two-era Nazi SS units.

The SS was responsible for many of the crimes against humanity committed by the Nazis. Members of the SS ranged from Gestapo agents to concentration camp guards. SS duties included administering death camps where millions of Jews and others were put to death.

A 29-year-old police officer died on Sunday after being repeatedly stabbed during an attack at an anti-Islam rally in Germany.

In September 2023, Citizen Lab published a joint investigation with Access Now into the hacking of exiled Russian journalist Galina Timchenko with Pegasus mercenary spyware. Timchenko is the CEO and publisher of Meduza, a widely-respected Russian independent media group operating in exile. After this publication, in collaboration with Access Now and independent digital security expert Nikolai Kvantiliani, we expanded the investigation into the possible targeting of Russian and Belarusian-speaking independent media and political opposition.

Seven New Cases

The latest investigation identifies seven additional Russian and Belarusian-speaking members of civil society and journalists living outside of Belarus and Russia who were targeted and/or infected with Pegasus spyware. Many of the targets publicly criticized the Russian government, including Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. These individuals, most of whom are currently living in exile, have faced intense threats from Russian and/or Belarusian state security services.

Threats at Home

Critics of the Russian and Belarusian governments typically face retaliation in the form of surveillance, detention, threats, violence, death, travel bans, financial surveillance, hacking, censorship, and political repression. After Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the repression escalated, including the growing use of “Foreign Agent,” “Undesirable Organization,” “Fake News,” “Extremist,” and “Terrorist” designation laws that severely curtail the ability of designated media and civil society organizations to safely operate, communicate, collaborate, and fundraise. For transparency, we note that in March 2024 the Russian government designated the Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy at the University of Toronto (where the Citizen Lab is based) as an Undesirable Organization.

Threats in Exile

Recently, in light of growing repression, many individuals and groups that are perceived as enemies by the Russian and Belarusian governments have left to continue their work from abroad. Today, for example, many Russian and Belarusian independent media organizations operate from outside the country.

While geographic distance and borders provide a degree of protection from daily repression in Russia and Belarus, both regimes have a well-documented history of engaging in transnational repression against diaspora communities. This repression has included violent attacks, threats, suspected poisonings, and surveillance.

Organizing in exile may in fact increase certain digital risks, as groups are forced to rely almost exclusively on third-party platforms and tools to communicate and disseminate information, creating complex challenges for maintaining privacy and security. The shifting practices also introduce new opportunities for malicious actors to probe for and exploit vulnerabilities. There is already evidence of this kind of targeting. For example, Russian independent media organization Meduza reported an intense Distributed Denial of Service (DDoS) attack against their website during Russia’s 2024 presidential elections. Pegasus Confirmations

We conclude with high confidence that the following individuals were targeted and/or infected with Pegasus spyware. We are publishing their names with their consent. More details about these individuals are available in Access Now’s report.

Concerns Around This Pattern of Targeting

There are now eight documented cases of Pegasus mercenary spyware attacks against Russian and Belarusian-speaking opposition voices and independent media who live in exile or in the diaspora. The targets are already under intense threat from Russia and/or Belarus. Many have experienced other forms of surveillance and transnational repression. Several of the targets are renowned, respected members of independent media and opposition groups, raising an obvious concern regarding the legality, necessity, and proportionality of the pattern of hacking described in this report under international human rights law.

As the targeting is happening in Europe, where these individuals have sought safety, it raises important questions regarding whether host states are meeting their obligations under international human rights law to prevent and respond to these human rights violations, and more generally, to address, and not compound, the practice of digital transnational repression.

cross-posted from: https://sopuli.xyz/post/13357618

Homeless people are being sent out of Scotland's capital to make room for Swifties

- The peace talks, which focus on the Russia-Ukraine conflict which started in February 2022, are due to take place at the Bürgenstock Resort in Switzerland on June 15-16.

- Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, said that Russia is using Chinese influence in Asia to disrupt the summit.

- The Chinese Foreign Ministry has previously indicated that it will not attend the peace conference because it does not meet its expectations.

- Moscow, meanwhile, has not been invited, and has dismissed the conference.--

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on Sunday accused China of helping Russia to disrupt an upcoming peace summit by pressuring other countries not to attend.

The peace talks, which focus on the Russia-Ukraine conflict which started in February 2022, are due to take place at the Bürgenstock Resort in Switzerland on June 15-16.

Zelenskyy, speaking at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, said that Russia is using Chinese influence in Asia to disrupt the summit.

“Unfortunately, regrettably, Russia, using Chinese influence on the region, using Chinese diplomats, does everything to disrupt the peace summit,” he said, according to a translation of his remarks, without giving specific examples.

“Regrettably, it is unfortunate that such a big, independent, powerful country as China is an instrument in [the] hands of [Russian President Vladimir] Putin,” he added. CNBC has reached out to the Chinese embassy in Singapore for comment.

The Chinese Foreign Ministry has previously indicated that it will not attend the peace conference because it does not meet its expectations. Moscow, meanwhile, has not been invited has dismissed the conference.

Zelenskyy also accused Russia of threatening other nations with blockades of goods such as agricultural exports, chemical products and high energy prices. CNBC has reached out to the Russian foreign ministry for comment.

Call for Asian nations

In his plenary speech, the Ukrainian president said the Switzerland summit would focus on three points of Ukraine’s 10-point peace plan, which was first announced in November 2022.

The summit, he said, would focus on nuclear security, food security, and the return of abducted Ukrainian children from Russia.

“Time is running out,” he said. “The children are growing up in Putin’s land, where they are taught to hate their homeland, and are being told they have no families, while their loved ones wait for them at home.”

While Zelenskyy said that 106 nations would send at least senior level representatives to the summit, he did express disappointment that some world leaders would not be participating.

Most notably, the U.S. has not confirmed if President Joe Biden will attend, although Zelenskyy said the U.S. has confirmed their participation “at a high level.”

Speaking at a press conference after his speech, the Ukrainian president reiterated that he would want the the support of Asian countries. “It is much needed ... Each of the countries in your region, we want Asia to know what is going on in Ukraine. We want Asia to support the end of the war.”

For Singapore specifically, Zelenskyy said that he will meet both Singapore Prime Minister Lawrence Wong and President Tharman Shanmugaratnam, and expressed his desire for the leader of Singapore to support Ukraine by personally participating in the summit.

He said that Ukraine had never demanded that Asian countries support Ukraine militarily, but he asked for political and humanitarian support, as well as support for Ukraine’s civilians.

“All these have become the basis of our peace formula and has grown into the global peace summit. So every leader and every country can show their commitment to peace,” he said.

“The global majority can ensure with their involvement, that what is agreed upon is truly implemented. And so that Russia, who started this cruel war, cannot push us off the path to ending the war.”

Archived link

This article is available in Georgian and in Russian.

An orchestrated campaign of intimidation against opposition politicians, media, civil society organizations and critics of the foreign agents law has resumed on May 31, several days after the final passage of the infamous law. This time, [the pro-Russia] Georgian Dream representatives don’t hide their involvement in this campaign, on the contrary, they openly announce the repressions and even share the lists of potential targets.

Threatening calls

Several opposition politicians said they again received threatening phone calls. Tina Bokuchava of the largest oppossition party United National Movement (UNM) said that she and dozens of people around her, including her family members, received the calls around midnight. According to Bokuchava, the fact that her family members and close associates all received the calls indicates that the state structures are involved and that callers illegally obtained personal information, which she plans to appeal to a court, as well as to mobile operators and the Personal Data Protection Service.

The same thing happened to another UNM member, Ani Tsitlidze’s mother, as well as “For Georgia” member Ana Buchukuri’s mother. The mother of Tata Khundaze, a member of the opposition Droa party, also received a phone call in which an unknown man cursed her daughter and warned her to be careful with her grandson. The threatening calls were placed also to family members of the Girchi-More Freedom party.

The Deputy Mayor of Tsalenjikha, Tamar Belkania, reported that her child received the threatening call when a woman told the child that her mother was a “traitor to the country.”

Damage to Private Property

On May 31, the walls of the offices of NGOs, critical media and opposition parties were again covered with obscenities, writings calling the people working there “foreign agents,” and inappropriate pictures.

On the night of May 31 to June 1, around 2:30 am, 30-40 “Titushky” (government-paid thugs) vandalized the central office of the United National Movement. The leader of the UNM, Levan Khabeishvili, shared the video of the destroyed office on Facebook Live. The night guards had to shoot in air several times to deter and scare off intruders. According to Khabeishvili, the men were in coordination with the police and the State Security Service of Georgia.

Propagandist TV Involvement in Intimidation

Natia Beridze, a journalist for the pro-government PosTV channel, showed up with a crew at the home of Vitali Guguchia in the village in Samegrelo (west Georgia) while he was attending the funeral of a relative. A few days earlier, Guguchia’s encounter with a Georgian Dream MP Viktor Japaridze, which became a viral video on social media platforms, whereby he had given a well-reasoned explanation the MP to as to why the law on foreign agents was a “Russian law”. Guguchia became the target of an intense smear campaign by pro-government media, which accused him of clandestine operations under the United National Movement government. The accusations were repeated by the PosTV journalist, and the encounter escalated into a physical altercation between Guguchia and the cameraman.

Notably, the Special Investigation Service said it has already begun investigation under article 154 of Criminal Code – obstructing journalistic activities.

Announcement of Repressions

Government officials have openly announced that they are organizing the intimidation campaign. On May 28, Zviad Kharazishvili, the infamous Head of the Special Tasks Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a.k.a. “Khareba,” admitted to battering protesters during peaceful demonstrations against the Foreign Agents Law and said he had a special “list” of people to be targeted by riot police. “I don’t beat young people, I beat scoundrels… We have a list, I’ll show it to you. Get out, don’t film,” – Kharazishvili told a camera crew from TV Pirveli.

GD MP Dimitri (Dito) Samkharadze posted on his Facebook page a video of man leaving writings on the wall of offices of demonstrators against the law. He stated that this is a response to citizens – “Neo-fascists”, as Samkharadze calls them – in response to the writings by the citizens who have left them on some of GD MPs houses’ walls, calling them “slaves” and “traitors”. In his post, Samkaharadze stated: “You are very agitated, we know your identities one by one, your patrons cannot save you if you do something bad to any member of the Georgian Dream team!”

He also shared the list of the prospective targets. NGOs: Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association (GYLA); Tbilisi Pride; Sapari; Movement “Step”; “Shame” movement; Courtwatch; Mtis Ambebi; Studio Monitor; Movement “Talga”; Civil Society Foundation; International Society for Fair Elections And Democracy (ISFED); Transparency International – Batumi; Green Sector. Opposition parties: Lelo For Georgia; Girchi – More Freedom; Droa; Lelo For Georgia – youth wing; United National Movement – central office; Ahali; UNM – Batumi; Lelo – Batumi; Ahali – Batumi.

The GD MPs have also openly supported repressions. Guram Macharashvili, “People’s Power”, told journalists: “All those who protest against the adoption of the law, engage in bullying and insults, attempt psychological violence against the adopters and supporters of the law, as well as their parents, children and other family members, must be tried under the charge of espionage… They must present evidence in court that the authorities have adopted a “Russian law” and if they fail to do so, they should be tried for espionage. In addition, they must provide the court with information about whom they served, for what amount of money and with what tasks. I think there is no alternative to holding such a trial on live television after the parliamentary elections.”

Another GD MP, Davit Kacharava stated: “I am sure that this aggression will not go unanswered, you will see that a short period of time will pass and some of them will get such a response that they will hide in their homes altogether.”

Earlier, during the first wave of the intimidation campaign, the Speaker of the Parliament, Shalva Papuashvili announced that the Political Council of Georgian Dream has decided to create a database containing information on all individuals “who are involved in violence, blackmail, threats and other illegal acts”, or “who publicly endorse these actions.”

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The move comes as Hungary has continuously opposed Ukraine’s accession to NATO and the EU, sanctions on Russia, and has hindered Western aid efforts for Ukraine while maintaining close ties with Moscow.

Sources say that there is 'reluctance' to allow Hungarian officials to maintain influential positions in the European Commission. Among otbers, Oliver Varhelyi, the Hungarian European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, sparked controversy after allegedly threatening the Georgian Prime Minister.--

EU members are considering limiting Hungary’s role in the next European Commission in response to their obstruction of collective support for Ukraine. Hungary has continuously opposed Ukraine’s accession to NATO and the EU, sanctions on Russia, and has hindered Western aid efforts for Ukraine while maintaining close ties with Moscow. The EU is frustrated with the need for unanimity on support for Ukraine due to Hungary’s obstructionism, and sources indicate that there is reluctance to allow Oliver Varhelyi, the Hungarian European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, to maintain his position in the upcoming composition of the commission. Varhelyi recently sparked controversy after allegedly threatening the Georgian Prime Minister, which has further fueled doubts about his suitability for the role.

Hungary is currently obstructing $7 billion in military assistance for Ukraine, including three separate tranches under the European Peace Facility (EFF) fund and 5 billion euros allocated for the Ukraine Assistance Fund. This obstructionism has caused frustration among EU ministers as Hungary’s actions are preventing crucial support for Ukraine in the midst of ongoing conflicts. With Hungary’s continued opposition to collective aid efforts for Ukraine and their close relations with Moscow, there is growing concern within the EU about the country’s role in decision-making processes regarding Ukraine’s accession to the bloc.

The ongoing conflict between Hungary and the EU regarding support for Ukraine has escalated due to Budapest’s refusal to cooperate on important initiatives. The EU’s efforts to provide military aid and support for Ukraine are being hindered by Hungary’s actions, causing further strain on relations within the bloc. The reluctance to allow Hungarian officials to maintain influential positions in the European Commission reflects the EU’s frustration with Hungary’s obstructionism and their alignment with Moscow’s interests, complicating efforts to collectively support Ukraine in its aspirations for NATO and EU membership.

The role of Oliver Varhelyi, the Hungarian European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, is crucial in ongoing discussions about Ukraine’s accession to the EU. However, Varhelyi’s recent controversy regarding his alleged threat to the Georgian Prime Minister has raised doubts about his ability to effectively represent EU interests in relation to Ukraine. With growing skepticism about Hungary’s commitment to supporting Ukraine and its alignment with Moscow, EU members are considering limiting Hungary’s role in the next European Commission to ensure a more unified approach towards aiding Ukraine in its conflicts with Russia and pursuit of EU membership.

Despite efforts by the EU to collectively support Ukraine through initiatives like the European Peace Facility (EFF) and the Ukraine Assistance Fund, Hungary’s obstructionism is causing rifts within the bloc. The frustration among EU ministers over Hungary’s hindrance of crucial military aid for Ukraine reflects broader concerns about Hungary’s alignment with Moscow and opposition to Western sanctions and support for Ukraine. The EU’s reluctance to allow Hungarian officials to maintain influential roles in the commission highlights the growing dissatisfaction with Budapest’s actions and the need for a more cohesive approach to supporting Ukraine in its aspirations for NATO and EU membership.

In conclusion, the ongoing conflict between Hungary and the EU regarding support for Ukraine reflects broader tensions within the bloc over Hungary’s obstructionism and alignment with Moscow. The reluctance to allow Hungarian officials to maintain influential positions in the European Commission signals a shift towards a more unified approach to supporting Ukraine in its conflicts with Russia and pursuit of EU membership. As the EU grapples with Hungary’s hindrance of military aid initiatives for Ukraine, the need for solidarity and collective action in aiding Ukraine becomes increasingly pressing in the face of ongoing conflicts and tensions in the region.

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German Air Force Eurofighter Typhoons intercepted a Russian Su-24MR tactical reconnaissance aircraft near Latvian territorial waters on Saturday (June 1st).

The incident was reported by the Team Luftwaffe, which shared photos on social media.

The Su-24MR, a special reconnaissance variant of the Su-24 tactical bomber, was identified without a flight plan or radio communication. These aircraft are capable of all-weather operations and are equipped with sophisticated electronic warfare and surveillance systems.

The interception was conducted from Lielvārde Air Base in Latvia, part of NATO’s Baltic Air Policing mission.

Since Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, NATO has intensified its air policing missions over the Baltic states. Germany, participating in these missions since 2005, has annually contributed to the Reinforced Air Policing Baltic States for at least four months with a joint deployment contingent, including flying units and support forces.

The NATO Baltic Air Policing mission, operational since 2004, ensures the integrity of the airspace over Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, which lack the resources to patrol their skies independently. This mission serves as a collective and defensive peacetime measure, highlighting NATO’s commitment to the security of its member states.

cross-posted from: https://lemmy.zip/post/16572873

The southern states of Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg have been inundated, causing dam bursts and prompting dramatic rescues. States of emergency have been declared in several areas with more heavy rain expected.

Archived version: https://archive.ph/bF7J7

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Moldova’s parliament on Thursday (30 May) denounced Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as “genocide” in connection with Moscow’s treatment of children in occupied areas, but the assembly’s Moscow-friendly opposition parties refused to take part in the vote.

Sixty deputies in the 101-seat assembly backed the declaration, joining several national parliaments in adopting similar documents and also offering to continue extending assistance to Ukrainians fleeing the conflict.

The more than two-year-old invasion, denounced by pro-European President Maia Sandu, has buffeted the country lying between Ukraine and Moldova, with a large number of drone and missile fragments falling on its territory.

Parliament’s deputy speaker, Doina Gherman, documented the numbers of children killed or missing in the conflict, along with nearly 20,000 taken away to Russia, according to Ukrainian government figures.

Opposition member Reghina Apostolova accused Sandu’s Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) of double standards, saying the chamber should also denounce sufferings of children in the former Yugoslavia. Communist Deputy Oleg Reidman urged caution, saying genocide was a legal term with criteria to be met.

Radu Marian of the ruling PAS rejected opposition objections, saying “These are our neighbours. Thousands of Ukrainian children, the children of refugees, have been housed here.”

Russia rejected allegations that it has abducted or deported Ukrainian children, saying they have been taken to safe areas, away from the conflict.

The International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant in March 2023 for Russian President Vladimir Putin, citing the forced transfer of children to Russia.

Group of university students awarded plot after city hall passes plan for 15 to 20 cooperative projects

De Torteltuin, or “Dove Garden”, was born from an existential, if depressingly common, question. A group of young Amsterdammers, most still at university, looked into their futures and asked how they would ever afford to live in their own city.

“It was 2020, we were 22 or 23 years old,” said Iris Luden. “It was a dream. We were fantasising. What if we built our own place? We imagined a kindergarten, growing our own food … We got together every month to talk about it. But slowly, it happened.”

Amsterdam, the sought-after capital of a country in an acute housing crisis, is one of the toughest places in Europe to set up home. Private-sector rents are sky-high – €900 (£770) for a room in shared flat – and you can wait up to 20 years for social housing.

"It’s just so bad,” said Luden, an AI engineer fortunate enough still to be living in her old student accommodation. “People are just constantly on the move, once a year on average. You can’t settle. We wanted somewhere affordable. And a community.”

The group’s vision might have stayed a dream had city hall not passed a plan for 15 to 20 cooperative housing projects within four years, half of them self-built. The aim eventually is for 10% of all new Amsterdam housing stock to be cooperatively owned.

“We started to take things more seriously,” said Lukas Nerl, 28, another Torteltuin member. “We set up subgroups: financing, sustainability, the rest. We had to learn a lot, fast. We registered as an association, wrote a project plan. We applied.”

To their amazement, they were accepted – perhaps, said Nerl, precisely because of their youth, and because, as recent graduates, they might be assumed to be capable of navigating their way through a labyrinth of rules, regulations and bureaucracy.

They secured a team of architects with experience in non-profit cooperative projects, raised the money to pay them, and presented a plan for a four-storey, timber-clad, sustainably built block of 40 apartments, from studios to three-bedders.

Against stiff competition with other projects, De Torteltuin was awarded a plot 20 minutes from the city centre by tram and 45 minutes by bike, in IJburg, a new residential quarter slowly emerging on artificial islands rising from the IJmeer lake.

Through a mixture of loans from a bank and city hall, crowdfunding from friends and family and two bond issues, the 26-member group has raised almost €9m of the estimated €12 to €13m construction cost. With luck, work will begin by year-end.

The cooperative will own the building, with every resident paying a monthly rent, said Enrikos Iossifidis, another member. About a third of the apartments will qualify as social housing, while the most expensive – a family flat – should cost €1,200 a month.

"A decade ago it wouldn’t have been possible,” said Iossifidis. “Even now it’s been a rollercoaster ride: when building costs soared after Russia invaded Ukraine, there was a truly awful moment when we thought it might not happen after all.”

But by late next year or early 2026, the group should be thinking about moving into a carbon-neutral home complete with roof-top solar panels, communal spaces on each floor, guest rooms, a shared toolshed, a stage and a music studio in the basement.

Their adventure is not just about affordable housing, said Luden. “It is very much also about building a real community,” she said. “Some flats are being reserved for people who face even bigger housing challenges – asylum seekers, for example.”

De Torteltuin, said Nerl, “actually sets a vision of future city living. It’s not one of pollution, concrete, high-rises, speculation, ever-rising rents and more unaffordable mortgages. The new homes of the city will be social, sustainable – and affordable.”